Purpose: Phonotactic probability or neighborhood density has predominately been defined through the use of gross distinctions (i.e., low vs. high). In the current studies, the authors examined the influence of finer changes in probability (Experiment 1) and density (Experiment 2) on word learning.
Method: The authors examined the full range of probability or density by sampling 5 nonwords from each of 4 quartiles. Three- and 5-year-old children received training on nonword-nonobject pairs. Learning was measured in a picture-naming task immediately following training and 1 week after training. Results were analyzed through the use of multilevel modeling.
Results: A linear spline model best captured nonlinearities in phonotactic probability. Specifically, word learning improved as probability increased in the lowest quartile, worsened as probability increased in the mid-low quartile, and then remained stable and poor in the 2 highest quartiles. An ordinary linear model sufficiently described neighborhood density. Here, word learning improved as density increased across all quartiles.
Conclusion: Given these different patterns, phonotactic probability and neighborhood density appear to influence different word learning processes. Specifically, phonotactic probability may affect recognition that a sound sequence is an acceptable word in the language and is a novel word for the child, whereas neighborhood density may influence creation of a new representation in long-term memory.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2013/12-0245) | DOI Listing |
Dev Sci
November 2024
Department of Linguistics, UCLA, Los Angeles, California, USA.
Previous research has shown that when domain-general transitional probability (TP) cues to word segmentation are in conflict with language-specific stress cues, English-learning 5- and 7-month-olds rely on TP, whereas 9-month-olds rely on stress. In two artificial languages, we evaluated English-learning infants' sensitivity to TP cues to word segmentation vis-a-vis language-specific vowel phonotactic (VP) cues-English words do not end in lax vowels. These cues were either consistent or conflicting.
View Article and Find Full Text PDFCogn Sci
July 2024
Departments of Psychology and Computer Science, Princeton University.
JASA Express Lett
December 2023
Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles, California 90095,
This study evaluates the malleability of adults' perception of probabilistic phonotactic (biphone) probabilities, building on a body of literature on statistical phonotactic learning. It was first replicated that listeners categorize phonetic continua as sounds that create higher-probability sequences in their native language. Listeners were also exposed to skewed distributions of biphone contexts, which resulted in the enhancement or reversal of these effects.
View Article and Find Full Text PDFInt J Lang Commun Disord
May 2024
The University of Sydney, Camperdown, NSW, Australia.
Background: Children with phonological impairment present with pattern-based errors in their speech production. While some children have difficulties with speech perception and/or the establishment of robust underlying phonological representations, the nature of phonological impairment in children is still not well understood. Given that phonological and lexical development are closely linked, one way to better understand the nature of the problem in phonological impairment is to examine word learning abilities in children.
View Article and Find Full Text PDFPLoS One
August 2023
New Zealand Institute of Language, Brain and Behaviour, NZILBB, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand.
Most non-Māori-speaking New Zealanders are regularly exposed to Māori throughout their lives without seeming to build any extensive Māori lexicon; at best, they know a small number of words which are frequently used and sometimes borrowed into English. Here, we ask how many Māori words non-Māori-speaking New Zealanders know, in two ways: how many can they identify as real Māori words, and how many can they actively define? We show that non-Māori-speaking New Zealanders can readily identify many more Māori words than they can define, and that the number of words they can reliably define is quite small. This result adds crucial support to the idea presented in earlier work that non-Māori-speaking New Zealanders have implicit form-based (proto-lexical) knowledge of many Māori words, but explicit semantic (lexical) knowledge of few.
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