Two experiments were conducted to determine whether vowel familiarity affects automatic and conscious vowel discrimination. Familiar (Finnish) and unfamiliar (Komi) vowels were presented to Finnish subjects. The good representatives of Finnish and Komi mid vowels were grouped into three pairs: front /e- epsilon /, central /ø-oe/, and back /o-o/. The acoustic difference for /e- epsilon / and /o-o/ was smaller than that for /ø-oe/. For /e- epsilon /, the Komi vowel / epsilon / was at the boundary between the Finnish /e/ and /ae/. The stimuli were presented in an oddball paradigm. In three different blocks, each Komi vowel in turn served as the standard (probability 0.86) and the corresponding Finnish vowel as the deviant stimulus (probability 0.14), and vice versa. In Experiment 1, subjects were instructed to press a button as soon as they detected a deviant stimulus. In Experiment 2, event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded to these stimuli in order to use the mismatch negativity (MMN) as an index of the perceptual distance between the members of each vowel pair, while subjects did not attend to the stimuli. There were similar effects of the acoustic distance within a vowel pair for both the reaction time (RT) and the MMN amplitude; the RT decreased and the MMN amplitude increased when the acoustic difference between the stimuli increased. However, the RT was longer when the Komi / epsilon / was the standard and the Finnish /e/ was the deviant than vice versa. No such pattern was found for the MMN. Thus, the phonemic status of the standard stimulus seems to play a role at the attentive but not at the pre-attentive level.

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