Processing of irregular polysemes in sentence reading.

The degree to which meanings are related in memory affects ambiguous word processing. We examined irregular polysemes, which have related senses based on similar or shared features rather than a relational rule, like regular polysemy. We tested to what degree the related meanings of irregular polysemes (wire) are represented with shared semantic information versus unshared information represented separately, like homonyms (bank).

Polysemy in Sentence Comprehension: Effects of Meaning Dominance.

Words like church are polysemous, having two related senses (a building and an organization). Three experiments investigated how polysemous senses are represented and processed during sentence comprehension. On one view, readers retrieve an underspecified, core meaning, which is later specified more fully with contextual information.

Comprehension of Linguistic Dependencies: Speed-Accuracy Tradeoff Evidence for Direct-Access Retrieval From Memory.

Comprehenders can rapidly and efficiently interpret expressions with various types of non-adjacent dependencies. In the sentence The boy that the teacher warned fell, boy is readily interpreted as the subject of the verb fall despite the fact that a relative clause, that the teacher warned, intervenes between the two dependent elements. We review research investigating three memory operations proposed for resolving this and other types of non-adjacent dependencies: serial search retrieval, in which the dependent constituent is recovered by a search process through representations in memory, direct-access retrieval in which the dependent constituent is recovered directly by retrieval cue operations without search, and active maintenance of the dependent constituent in focal attention.

Indirect evidence and the poverty of the stimulus: the case of anaphoric one.

It is widely held that children's linguistic input underdetermines the correct grammar, and that language learning must therefore be guided by innate linguistic constraints. Here, we show that a Bayesian model can learn a standard poverty-of-stimulus example, anaphoric one, from realistic input by relying on indirect evidence, without a linguistic constraint assumed to be necessary. Our demonstration does, however, assume other linguistic knowledge; thus, we reduce the problem of learning anaphoric one to that of learning this other knowledge.