Publications by authors named "Melissa M Kibbe"

How do children think about and plan for possible outcomes of events that could happen in the future? Previous work that has investigated children's ability to think about mutually exclusive possibilities has largely focused on children's reasoning about one type of possibility-the possible locations of an object. Here, we investigated children's reasoning about another type of possibility-mutually exclusive possible identities. In two experiments (N = 201 U.

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Decades of research has revealed that humans can concurrently represent small quantities of three-dimensional objects as those objects move through space or into occlusion. For infants (but not older children or adults), this ability apparently comes with a significant limitation: when the number of occluded objects exceeds three, infants experience what has been characterized as a "catastrophic" set size limit, failing to represent even the approximate quantity of the hidden array. Infants' apparent catastrophic representational failures suggest a significant information processing limitation in the first years of life, and the evidence has been used as support for prominent theories of the development of object and numerical cognition.

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The ability to prepare for mutually exclusive possible events in the future is essential for everyday decision making. Previous studies have suggested that this ability develops between the ages of 3 and 5 years, and in young children is primarily limited by the ability to represent the set of possible outcomes of an event as "possible". We tested an alternative hypothesis that this ability may be limited by the ability to represent the set of possible actions that could be taken to prepare for those possible outcomes.

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Children can represent the approximate quantity of sets of items using the Approximate Number System (ANS), and can perform arithmetic-like operations over ANS representations. Previous work has shown that the representational precision of the ANS develops substantially during childhood. However, less is known about the development of the precision of the ANS.

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Children tend to categorize novel objects according to their shape rather than their color, texture, or other salient properties-known as "shape bias." We investigated whether this bias also extends to the social domain, where it should lead children to categorize people according to their weight (their body shape) rather than their race (their skin color). In Study 1, participants (n = 50 US 4- and 5-year-olds) were asked to extend a novel label from a target object/person to either an object/person who shared the target's shape/weight, color/race, or neither.

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A science of prelinguistic infant cognition must take seriously the language-of-thought (LoT) hypothesis. I show how the LoT framework enables us to identify the representational and computational capacities of infant minds and the developmental factors that act on these capacities, and explain how Quilty-Dunn et al.'s take on LoT has important upshots for developmental theory-building.

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Reasoning by exclusion allows us to form more complete representations of our environments, "filling in" inaccessible information by ruling out known alternatives. In two experiments (Experiment 1: N = 34 4- to 6-year-olds; Experiment 2: N = 85 4- to 8-year-olds), we examined children's ability to use reasoning by exclusion to infer the identity of an unknown object and investigated the role of working memory in this ability. Children were asked to encode a set of objects that were then hidden, and after a brief retention interval children were asked to select the identity of the object hidden in one of the locations from two alternatives.

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Several decades of research have revealed consistent signature limits on infants' ability to represent objects. However, these signature representational limits were established with methods that often removed objects from their most common context. In infants' everyday lives, objects are very often social artifacts: they are the targets of agents' goal-directed actions, communications, and beliefs, and may have social content or relevance themselves.

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Objects' topological properties play a central role in object perception, superseding objects' surface features in object representation and tracking from early in development. We asked about the role of objects' topological properties in children's generalization of novel labels to objects. We adapted the classic name generalization task of Landau et al.

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Infants encode the surface features of simple, unfamiliar objects (e.g., red triangle) and the categorical identities of familiar, categorizable objects (e.

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Young children with limited knowledge of formal mathematics can intuitively perform basic arithmetic-like operations over nonsymbolic, approximate representations of quantity. However, the algorithmic rules that guide such nonsymbolic operations are not entirely clear. We asked whether nonsymbolic arithmetic operations have a function-like structure, like symbolic arithmetic.

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The ability to use knowledge to guide the completion of goals is a critical cognitive skill, but 3-year-olds struggle to complete goals that require multiple steps. This study asked whether 3-year-olds could benefit from "plan chunking" to complete multistep goals. Thirty-two U.

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"What is the structure of thought?" is as central a question as any in cognitive science. A classic answer to this question has appealed to a Language of Thought (LoT). We point to emerging research from disparate branches of the field that supports the LoT hypothesis, but also uncovers diversity in LoTs across cognitive systems, stages of development, and species.

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During complex tasks, we use working memory to actively maintain goal sets and direct attention toward goal-relevant information in the environment. However, working memory is severely limited, and storing information in working memory is cognitively effortful. Previous work by Kibbe and Kowler [2011, Journal of Vision, 11(3), Article 14] showed that adults strategically modulate reliance on working memory during complex, goal-oriented tasks, varying the amount of information they store in working memory depending both on the cognitive demands of the task and on the ease with which task-relevant information can be accessed from the environment.

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Two experiments examined the development of the ability to encode, maintain, and update integrated representations of occluded objects' locations and featural identities in working memory across toddlerhood. Sixty-eight 28- to 40-month-old US toddlers (13 Asian or Pacific Islander, 6 Black, 48 White, 1 multiracial; 40 girls; tested between February 2015 and July 2017) tracked the locations of different color beads that were hidden simultaneously (Experiment 1) or sequentially (Experiment 2). Toddlers' ability to reliably store feature-location bound object representations in working memory varied as a function of age, memory load, and task demands.

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Children live in a dynamic environment, in which objects continually change locations and move into and out of occlusion. Children must therefore rely on working memory to store information from the environment and to update those stored representations as the environment changes. Previous work suggests that the ability to store information in working memory increases through infancy and childhood.

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Memory-guided planning involves retrieving relevant memories and applying that information in service of a goal. Previous studies have shown substantial development in this ability from 3 to 4 years of age. We investigated the emergence of memory-guided planning by asking whether 2-year-olds could draw on episodic memories of past experiences to generate and execute plans.

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Adults infer that resources that become scarce over time are in higher demand, and use this "demand inference" to guide their own economic decisions. However, it is unclear when children begin to understand and use economic demand. In six experiments, we investigated the development of demand inference and demand-based economic decisions in 4- to 10-year-old children and adults in the United States.

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The ability to concurrently maintain representations of multiple objects and their locations in visual working memory is severely limited. Thus, making optimal use of visual working memory requires continual, moment-to-moment monitoring of its fidelity: High-fidelity representations can be relied upon, whereas incomplete or fuzzy representations must be refreshed or ignored. Previous work showed that adults track the fidelity of their visual working memory.

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Stored memories may be drawn upon when accomplishing goals. In two experiments, we investigated limits on the ability to use episodic memories to support planning in 3- and 4-year-old children. We designed a new memory-guided planning task that required children to both retrieve memories and apply those memories to accomplish multiple, nested goals.

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Multifocal attention is the ability to simultaneously attend to multiple objects, and is critical for typical functioning. Although adults are able to use multifocal attention, little is known about the development of this ability. In two experiments, we investigated multifocal attention in 6-8-year-old children and adults using a child-friendly, computerized multiple object tracking task designed to encourage the use of multifocal attention.

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We investigated whether children would be willing to sustain delaying their own gratification in order to benefit someone else. We used a modified version of the classic "marshmallow task," in which children must sustain delaying gratification in the presence of the immediate reward for an unspecified amount of time in order to receive a larger reward later. Children were assigned to one of three conditions.

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Infants can infer agents' goals after observing agents' goal-directed actions on objects and can subsequently make predictions about how agents will act on objects in the future. We investigated the representations supporting these predictions. We familiarized 6-month-old infants to an agent who preferentially reached for one of two featurally distinct objects following a cue.

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Six-month-old infants can store representations of multiple objects in working memory but do not always remember the objects' features (e.g., shape).

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What drives infants' attention in complex visual scenes? Early models of infant attention suggested that the degree to which different visual features were detectable determines their attentional priority. Here, we tested this by asking whether two targets - defined by different features, but each equally salient when evaluated independently - would drive attention equally when pitted head-to-head. In Experiment 1, we presented 6-month-old infants with an array of gabor patches in which a target region varied either in color or spatial frequency from the background.

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