Distance vs time. Acoustic and articulatory consequences of reduced vowel duration in Polish.

This paper presents acoustic and articulatory (ultrasound) data on vowel reduction in Polish. The analysis focuses on the question of whether the change in formant value in unstressed vowels can be explained by duration-driven undershoot alone or whether there is also evidence for additional stress-specific articulatory mechanisms that systematically affect vowel formants. On top of the expected durational differences between the stressed and unstressed conditions, the duration is manipulated by inducing changes in the speech rate.

Palatalization in coronal consonants of Polish: A three-/four-dimensional ultrasound study.

This paper presents the results of an articulatory study of palatalized consonants in Polish, a language with a typologically rare concentration of two phonemic series of posterior sibilants, one inherently palatalized, and the other contextually (allophonically) palatalized. For both phonemic and allophonic palatalization in Polish, it was found that the most stable correlates of palatalization are the advancement of the tongue root and a combined effect of raising and fronting of the tongue body. The advancement of the tongue root can be interpreted as the driving force in palatalization, while the effect of tongue body fronting and raising can be seen as secondary, resulting from the movement of the tongue root and the characteristic of the tongue as a muscular hydrostat.

Phonetics of Polish "soft"-"hard" vowel allophony.

This paper reports on the results of a three-dimensional ultrasound study of Polish vowels in consonant-vowel sequences. It was found that allophonic variation in vowels in the context of "soft" consonants is consistently implemented phonetically by means of tongue root advancement, which effectively expands the pharyngeal cavity and reduces the volume of the oral cavity. The tongue root is also consistently advanced in the soft consonants that trigger vowel allophony and retracted (or neutral) in the "hard" sounds, which do not trigger allophony, suggesting that tongue root advancement is part of the phonological representation of the "softness" (or palatalization) contrast.