On random conformity bias in cultural transmission of polychotomous traits.

Mathematical models of conformity and anti-conformity have commonly included a set of simplifying assumptions. For example, (1) there are m=2 cultural variants in the population, (2) naive individuals observe the cultural variants of n=3 adult "role models," and (3) individuals' levels of conformity or anti-conformity do not change over time. Three recent theoretical papers have shown that departures from each of these assumptions can produce new population dynamics.

Cultural niche construction with application to fertility control: A model for education and social transmission of contraceptive use.

The evolution of a cultural trait may be affected by niche construction, or changes in the selective environment of that trait due to the inheritance of other cultural traits that make up a cultural background. This study investigates the evolution of a cultural trait, such as the acceptance of the idea of contraception, that is both vertically and horizontally transmitted within a homogeneous social network. Individuals may conform to the norm, and adopters of the trait have fewer progeny than others.

Conformity and anti-conformity in a finite population.

Conformist and anti-conformist cultural transmission have been studied both empirically, in several species, and theoretically, with population genetic models. Building upon standard, infinite-population models (IPMs) of conformity, we introduce finite-population models (FPMs) and study them via simulation and a diffusion approximation. In previous IPMs of conformity, offspring observe the variants of n adult role models, where n is often three.

Conditions that favour cumulative cultural evolution.

The emergence of human societies with complex language and cumulative culture is considered a major evolutionary transition. Why such a high degree of cumulative culture is unique to humans is perplexing given the potential fitness advantages of cultural accumulation. Here, Boyd & Richerson's (1996 Why culture is common, but cultural evolution is rare.

Conformity and content-biased cultural transmission in the evolution of altruism.

The evolution of altruism has been extensively modeled under the assumption of genetic transmission, whereas the dynamics under cultural transmission are less well understood. Previous research has shown that cultural transmission can facilitate the evolution of altruism by increasing (1) the probability of adopting the altruistic phenotype, and (2) assortment between altruists. We incorporate vertical and oblique transmission, which can be conformist or anti-conformist, into models of parental care, sibling altruism, and altruism between individuals that meet assortatively.

On randomly changing conformity bias in cultural transmission.

Humans and nonhuman animals display conformist as well as anticonformist biases in cultural transmission. Whereas many previous mathematical models have incorporated constant conformity coefficients, empirical research suggests that the extent of (anti)conformity in populations can change over time. We incorporate stochastic time-varying conformity coefficients into a widely used conformity model, which assumes a fixed number n of "role models" sampled by each individual.

Cultural evolution of conformity and anticonformity.

Conformist bias occurs when the probability of adopting a more common cultural variant in a population exceeds its frequency, and anticonformist bias occurs when the reverse is true. Conformist and anticonformist bias have been widely documented in humans, and conformist bias has also been observed in many nonhuman animals. Boyd and Richerson used models of conformist and anticonformist bias to explain the evolution of large-scale cooperation, and subsequent research has extended these models.

The Perception of Spontaneous and Volitional Laughter Across 21 Societies.

Laughter is a nonverbal vocalization occurring in every known culture, ubiquitous across all forms of human social interaction. Here, we examined whether listeners around the world, irrespective of their own native language and culture, can distinguish between spontaneous laughter and volitional laughter-laugh types likely generated by different vocal-production systems. Using a set of 36 recorded laughs produced by female English speakers in tests involving 884 participants from 21 societies across six regions of the world, we asked listeners to determine whether each laugh was real or fake, and listeners differentiated between the two laugh types with an accuracy of 56% to 69%.