Circling around number: People can accurately extract numeric values from circle area ratios.

It has long been known that people have the ability to estimate numerical quantities without counting. A standard account is that people develop a sense of the size of symbolic numbers by learning to map symbolic numbers (e.g.

Task Constraints Affect Mapping From Approximate Number System Estimates to Symbolic Numbers.

The Approximate Number System (ANS) allows individuals to assess nonsymbolic numerical magnitudes (e.g., the number of apples on a tree) without counting.

Numerical distance effect size is a poor metric of approximate number system acuity.

Individual differences in the ability to compare and evaluate nonsymbolic numerical magnitudes-approximate number system (ANS) acuity-are emerging as an important predictor in many research areas. Unfortunately, recent empirical studies have called into question whether a historically common ANS-acuity metric-the size of the numerical distance effect (NDE size)-is an effective measure of ANS acuity. NDE size has been shown to frequently yield divergent results from other ANS-acuity metrics.

How to estimate how well people estimate: evaluating measures of individual differences in the approximate number system.

At a glance, one can tell that there are more individual fruits in a pile of 100 apples than in a pile of 20 watermelons, even though the watermelons take up more space. People's ability to distinguish between such nonsymbolic numerical magnitudes without counting is derived from the approximate number system (ANS). Individual differences in this ability (ANS acuity) are emerging as an important predictor in research areas ranging from children's understanding of arithmetic to adults' use of numbers in judgment and decision making.

Fractions as percepts? Exploring cross-format distance effects for fractional magnitudes.

This study presents evidence that humans have intuitive, perceptually based access to the abstract fraction magnitudes instantiated by nonsymbolic ratio stimuli. Moreover, it shows these perceptually accessed magnitudes can be easily compared with symbolically represented fractions. In cross-format comparisons, participants picked the larger of two ratios.

What counts? Visual and verbal cues interact to influence what is considered a countable thing.

Many famous paintings illustrate variations in what we here dub "referential depth." For example, paintings often include not only portrayals of uniquely referenced items, but also reflections of those items in mirrors or other polished surfaces. If a painting includes both a dancer and that dancer's reflection in a mirror, are there one or two dancers in the painting? Although there are two images of a dancer, both images reference the exact same dancer.

Knowledge on the line: manipulating beliefs about the magnitudes of symbolic numbers affects the linearity of line estimation tasks.

It has been suggested that differences in performance on number-line estimation tasks are indicative of fundamental differences in people's underlying representations of numerical magnitude. However, we were able to induce logarithmic-looking performance in adults for magnitude ranges over which they can typically perform linearly by manipulating their familiarity with the symbolic number formats that we used for the stimuli. This serves as an existence proof that individuals' performances on number-line estimation tasks do not necessarily reflect the functional form of their underlying numerical magnitude representations.

An eye for relations: eye-tracking indicates long-term negative effects of operational thinking on understanding of math equivalence.

Prior knowledge in the domain of mathematics can sometimes interfere with learning and performance in that domain. One of the best examples of this phenomenon is in students' difficulties solving equations with operations on both sides of the equal sign. Elementary school children in the U.

Sample representativeness affects whether judgments are influenced by base rate or sample size.

We investigated how people use base rates and sample size information when combining data to make overall probability judgments. Participants considered two samples from an animal population in order to estimate the probability of that animal being aggressive. Participants' judgments were influenced by subpopulation base rates when they were provided and linked to specific samples.

Visual nesting impacts approximate number system estimation.

The approximate number system (ANS) allows people to quickly but inaccurately enumerate large sets without counting. One popular account of the ANS is known as the accumulator model. This model posits that the ANS acts analogously to a graduated cylinder to which one "cup" is added for each item in the set, with set numerosity read from the "height" of the cylinder.

Statistical judgments are influenced by the implied likelihood that samples represent the same population.

When sample information is combined, it is generally considered normative to weight information based on larger samples more heavily than information based on smaller samples. However, if samples appear likely to have been drawn from different subpopulations, it is reasonable to combine estimates of these subpopulation means (typically, the sample means) without weighting these estimates by sample size. This study investigated whether laypeople are influenced by the likelihood of samples coming from the same population when determining how to combine information.

Evidence for a shared mechanism used in multiple-object tracking and subitizing.

It has been proposed that the mechanism that supports the ability to keep track of multiple moving objects also supports subitizing--the ability to quickly and accurately enumerate a small set of objects. To test this hypothesis, we investigated the effects on subitizing when human observers were required to perform a multiple object tracking task and an enumeration task simultaneously. In three experiments, participants (Exp.