Publications by authors named "Chiara Gambi"

During early development, increases in vocabulary are related to gains in motor ability, above and beyond the effects of maturation alone. However, little is known about the association between motor development and children's early acquisition of different types of words. We examined whether motor development is differentially associated with concurrent verb and noun vocabulary in 83 infants aged 6- to 24-months-old.

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During a conversation, on average, autistic individuals are often more likely than non-autistic people to provide an off-topic comment and/or to pause for longer before providing a response. One possible explanation for this is that autistic individuals prefer, or are more tolerant of, unconventional communication styles. To explore this possibility, we investigated whether autistic and non-autistic 9-13-year-olds find off-topic or delayed responding a deterrent to friendship or interaction.

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Influential theories and computational models suggest error-based learning plays an important role in language acquisition: Children learn new words by generating predictions about upcoming utterances and revising those predictions when they are erroneous. Critically, revising stronger (rather than weaker) predictions should further enhance learning. Although previously demonstrated in adults, such prediction error boost has not been conclusively shown in children.

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Co-actors represent and integrate each other's actions, even when they need not monitor one another. However, monitoring is important for successful interactions, particularly those involving language, and monitoring others' utterances probably relies on similar mechanisms as monitoring one's own. We investigated the effect of monitoring on the integration of self- and other-generated utterances in the shared-Stroop task.

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In dialogue, people represent each other's utterances to take turns and communicate successfully. In previous work, speakers who were naming single pictures or picture pairs represented whether another speaker was engaged in the same task (vs a different or no task) concurrently but did not represent in detail the content of the other speaker's utterance. Here, we investigate the co-representation of whole sentences.

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How do we update our linguistic knowledge? In seven experiments, we asked whether error-driven learning can explain under what circumstances adults and children are more likely to store and retain a new word meaning. Participants were exposed to novel object labels in the context of more or less constraining sentences or visual contexts. Both two-to-four-year-olds (M = 38 months) and adults were strongly affected by expectations based on sentence constraint when choosing the referent of a new label.

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By age 2, children are developing foundational language processing skills, such as quickly recognizing words and predicting words before they occur. How do these skills relate to children's structural knowledge of vocabulary? Multiple aspects of language processing were simultaneously measured in a sample of 2-to-5-year-olds (N = 215): While older children were more fluent at recognizing words, at predicting words in a graded fashion, and at revising incorrect predictions, only revision was associated with concurrent vocabulary knowledge once age was accounted for. However, an exploratory longitudinal follow-up (N = 55) then found that word recognition and prediction skills were associated with rate of subsequent vocabulary development, but revision skills were not.

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While language production is a highly demanding task, conversational partners are known to coordinate their turns with striking precision. Among the mechanisms that allow them to do so is listeners' ability to predict what the speaker will say, and thus to prepare their response in advance. But do speakers also play a role in facilitating coordination? We hypothesized that speakers contribute by using coordination smoothers - in particular by making their turns easier to predict.

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Interacting agents may anticipate their partner's upcoming response and include it in their action plan. In turn, observing an overt response can trigger agents to adapt. But although anticipation and adaptation are known to shape action control, their interplay in social interactions remains largely unexplored.

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Do people predict different aspects of a predictable word to the same extent? We tested prediction of phonological and gender information by creating phonological and gender mismatches between an article and a predictable noun in Italian. Native Italian speakers read predictive sentence contexts followed by the expected noun (e.g.

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During conversation, interlocutors often produce their utterances with little overlap or gap between their turns. But what mechanism underlies this striking ability to time articulation appropriately? In 2 verbal question-answering experiments, we investigated whether listeners use the speech rate of questions to time articulation of their answers. In Experiment 1, we orthogonally manipulated the speech rate of the context (e.

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Conversation is the natural setting for language learning and use, and a key property of conversation is the smooth taking of turns. In adult conversations, delays between turns are minimal (typically 200 ms or less) because listeners display a striking ability to predict what their partner will say, and they formulate a response before their partner's turn ends. Here, we tested how this ability to coordinate comprehension and production develops in preschool children.

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Researchers agree that comprehenders regularly predict upcoming language, but they do not always agree on what prediction is (and how to differentiate it from integration) or what constitutes evidence for it. After defining prediction, we show that it occurs at all linguistic levels from semantics to form, and then propose a theory of which mechanisms comprehenders use to predict. We argue that they most effectively predict using their production system (i.

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Language processing in adults is facilitated by an expert ability to generate detailed predictions about upcoming words. This may seem like an acquired skill, but some models of language acquisition assume that the ability to predict is a prerequisite for learning. This raises a question: Do children learn to predict, or do they predict to learn? We tested whether children, like adults, can generate expectations about not just the meanings of upcoming words but also their sounds, which would be critical for using prediction to learn about language.

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During conversation, there is often little gap between interlocutors' utterances. In two pairs of experiments, we manipulated the content predictability of yes/no questions to investigate whether listeners achieve such coordination by (i) preparing a response as early as possible or (ii) predicting the end of the speaker's turn. To assess these two mechanisms, we varied the participants' task: They either pressed a button when they thought the question was about to end (Experiments 1a and 2a), or verbally answered the questions with either yes or no (Experiments 1b and 2b).

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One influential view of language acquisition is that children master structural generalizations by making and learning from structure-informed predictions. Previous work has shown that from 3 years of age children can use semantic associations to generate predictions. However, it is unknown whether they can generate predictions by combining these associations with knowledge of linguistic structure.

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Recent social-cognitive research suggests that the anticipation of co-actors' actions influences people's mental representations. However, the precise nature of such representations is still unclear. In this study we investigated verbal joint representations in a delayed Stroop paradigm, where each participant responded to one color after a short delay.

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The human ability to perform joint actions is often attributed to high-level cognitive processes. For example, the finding that action leaders act faster when imitated by their partners has been interpreted as evidence for anticipation of the other's actions (Pfister, Dignath, Hommel, & Kunde, 2013). In two experiments, we showed that a low-level mechanism can account for this finding.

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Switching language is costly for bilingual speakers and listeners, suggesting that language control is effortful in both modalities. But are the mechanisms underlying language control similar across modalities? In this study, we attempted to answer this question by testing whether bilingual speakers incur a cost when switching to a different language than the one just used by their interlocutor. Pairs of unbalanced Dutch (L1)-English (L2) bilinguals took turns naming pictures in a pure Dutch, a pure English, and a mixed-language block.

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We investigated whether speakers represent their partners' task in a joint naming paradigm. Two participants took turns in naming pictures; occasionally the (initial) picture was replaced by a different picture (target), signaling that they had to stop naming the initial picture. When the same participant had to name the target picture, he or she completed the name of the initial picture more often than when neither participant had to name the target picture.

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In 4 experiments we showed that picture naming latencies are affected by beliefs about the task concurrently performed by another speaker. Participants took longer to name pictures when they believed that their partner concurrently named pictures than when they believed their partner was silent (Experiments 1 and 4) or concurrently categorized the pictures as being from the same or from different semantic categories (Experiment 2). However, picture naming latencies were not affected by beliefs about what one's partner said, as it did not matter whether participants believed their partner produced the same utterance, or an utterance that differed by ordering (Experiments 1 and 2) or lexical content (Experiments 3 and 4).

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A second-person perspective in neuroscience is particularly appropriate for the study of communication. We describe how the investigation of joint language tasks can contribute to our understanding of the mechanisms underlying interaction.

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It has been suggested that intra- and inter-speaker variability in speech are correlated. Interlocutors have been shown to converge on various phonetic dimensions. In addition, speakers imitate the phonetic properties of voices they are exposed to in shadowing, repetition, and even passive listening tasks.

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Do interlocutors interpret language as though they were "in the shoes of" the speaker? People can interpret utterances describing actions from an internal perspective (as though they are performing the action), or from an external perspective (as though they are observing the action). In Experiment 1, the speaker produced sentences such as I am cutting the tomato, and the addressee matched these sentences against pictures taking internal or external perspectives to the action. The addressee tended to take an external perspective on sentences involving I and an internal perspective to sentences involving you, irrespective of whether the interlocutors were adjacent to or opposite each other.

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