Publications by authors named "Mark Brandt"

Background: All-trans retinoic acid (ATRA) and arsenic trioxide (ATO) combinations have produced excellent outcomes in patients with standard-risk acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL). Herein, the authors update their long-term results with the regimen of ATO-ATRA and gemtuzumab ozogamicin (GO) in standard-risk and high-risk APL.

Methods: This was a phase 2 trial of patients with newly diagnosed APL.

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Liberals and conservatives both express political animosity and favouritism. However, less is known about whether the same or different factors contribute to this phenomenon among liberals and conservatives. We test three different relationships that could emerge among cognitive ability, cognitive reflection and political group-based attitudes.

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Many apps (e.g., social media, online streaming) include a social component where individual privacy decisions go beyond individual contexts and affect other people.

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A key debate in the psychology of ideology is whether leftists and rightists are psychologically similar or different. A long-standing view holds that left-wing and right-wing people are meaningfully different from one another across a whole host of basic personality and cognitive features. Scholars have recently pushed back, suggesting that left-wing and right-wing people are more psychologically similar than distinct.

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In this registered report, we propose to stress-test existing models for predicting the ideology-prejudice association, which varies in size and direction across target groups. Previous models of this relationship use the perceived ideology, status, and choice in group membership of target groups to predict the ideology-prejudice association across target groups. These analyses show that models using only the perceived ideology of the target group are more accurate and parsimonious in predicting the ideology-prejudice association than models using perceived status, choice, and all of the characteristics in a single model.

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Objective: People value solitude in varying degrees. Theories and studies suggest that people's appreciation of solitude varies considerably across persons (e.g.

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We test if within-person changes in political identities are associated with within-person changes in political animosity in two longitudinal studies (United States = 552, Waves = 26; Netherlands = 1,670, Waves = 12). Typical studies examine cross-sectional associations without assessing within-person change. Our work provides a stronger test of the relationship.

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We investigated if the COVID-19 pandemic's onset caused changes in political attitudes. Influential theories predict that the pandemic's onset will cause people to adopt more conservative attitudes, more culturally conservative attitudes, or more extreme attitudes. We comprehensively tested the external validity of these predictions by estimating the causal effect of the pandemic's onset on 84 political attitudes and eight perceived threats using fine-grained repeated cross-sectional data (Study 1, = 232,684) and panel data (Study 2, = 552) collected in the United States.

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We investigate the relationship between attitude instability and both party identity strength and ideology strength. We test the explorative hypotheses that higher party identity strength (H1) and ideology strength (H2) predict more attitude stability using intensive longitudinal data collected in the United States every 2 weeks over 1 year (Study 1, = 552) and in the Netherlands over 6 months (Study 2, = 1,670). We found mixed support for H1: In the United States, there was no association between party identity strength and attitude stability.

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We investigate the extent that political identity, political belief content (i.e., attitude stances), and political belief system structure (i.

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Fludarabine, cytarabine, GCSF (FLAG)-based induction/consolidation results in high remission rates in core binding factor (CBF) acute myelogenous leukemia. We treated 174 consecutive patients with newly diagnosed CBF-AML in a prospective clinical trial of FLAG-based induction/consolidation in combination with gemtuzumab ozogamicin (FLAG-GO; N = 65) or in combination with idarubicin (FLAG-IDA; N = 109). The 5 year RFS in the FLAG-GO cohort was significantly better than the FLAG-IDA cohort, 78% versus 59%, respectively (p-value = .

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We investigate varieties of dissatisfaction by examining how the similar, yet distinct emotions of regret, disappointment, and anger are related to electoral behavior. In a 2-wave longitudinal study conducted around the UK General Election of 2017 (N₁ = 817, N₂ = 768), we measured these emotions in response to 3 levels of electoral decision-making (individual party preference, individual electoral participation, and election results) and tested the relationship between these emotions and electoral behaviors. We find that party switching in 2017 is associated with regret about the party preference in 2015 and the regret about those election results, but not with other emotions.

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Newly diagnosed acute myeloid leukemia is often deemed a medical emergency, requiring urgent treatment. This is in contradiction with the need for accurate cytogenetic and molecular data, which is not immediately available, to select optimal therapy. We hypothesized that cytoreduction with hydroxyurea or cytarabine would enable urgent disease control and provide a bridge to clinical trial enrollment.

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Theories of belief system structure and dynamics assume that belief systems are a person-level construct. However, measures of belief system structure do not measure the structure of person-level belief systems and instead measure aggregated belief system structure (e.g.

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Popular models on the threat-politics association suggest that threats cause right-wing political preferences. Failed replications, crossnational variation, and examples of threats causing left-wing preferences suggest this relationship is more complicated. We introduce a model of the reciprocal threat-politics relationship that reconciles prior conflicting findings and raises new questions.

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Moral framing and reframing strategies persuade people holding moralized attitudes (i.e., attitudes having a moral basis).

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Belief systems are individual-level phenomena that describe the interrelationships of the political attitudes of a person. However, the modal study of the structure of political ideologies and beliefs uses cross-sectional survey data to estimate what is central to the belief system or the dimensionality of the belief system, aggregating across many people. Cross-sectional data, however, are ill-suited to the task of studying individual-level phenomena because they contain an unobservable mixture of within-person and between-person variation.

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Robust scientific knowledge is contingent upon replication of original findings. However, replicating researchers are constrained by resources, and will almost always have to choose one replication effort to focus on from a set of potential candidates. To select a candidate efficiently in these cases, we need methods for deciding which out of all candidates considered would be the most useful to replicate, given some overall goal researchers wish to achieve.

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Concerns about declining trust and rising cynicism are recurrent in academic research and the media. Yet, prior studies focused on explaining, rather than predicting, temporal changes in trust. We tested prediction models of trust change across (up to) 98 countries over six measurement waves (from 1981 to 2014).

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Acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL) is characterized by the chromosomal translocation (15;17) and the resulting gene used for measurable residual disease (MRD) monitoring. Despite highly effective therapy for APL, MRD monitoring practices are not fully established. We aimed to assess the value of MRD monitoring by RT-qPCR in patients with APL treated with ATRA and arsenic trioxide +/- GO.

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A theory of political belief system dynamics should incorporate causal connections between elements of the belief system and the possibility that belief systems are influenced by exogenous factors. These necessary components can be satisfied by conceptualizing an individual's belief system as a network of causally connected attitudes and identities which, via the interactions between the elements and the push of exogenous influences, produces the disparate phenomena in the belief systems literature. We implement this belief systems as networks theory in a dynamic Ising model and demonstrate that the theory can integrate at least six otherwise unrelated phenomenon in the political belief systems literature, including work on attitude consistency, cross-pressures, spillover effects, partisan cues, and ideological differences in attitude consensus.

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